Nigerian youths constitute the
biggest segment of the Nigerian population. More than 60% of the Nigerian
populace is made up of young people. In a recent study conducted by the British
Council, Nigerian youths were described as the biggest resource available to
Nigeria. The historical roles of Nigerian youths in national emancipation and
nation building are well documented. The bulk of Nigeria’s founding fathers;
Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahmadu Bello, Obafemi Awolowo, Tafawa Balewa, Joseph Tarka,
Matthew Mbu, Michael Imoudu, Anthony Enahoro, Michael Okpara, T.O.S. Benson,
Aminu Kano, Funmilayo Kuti, Festus Okotie Eboh, Nwafor Orizu, and a host of
others, were young people when they took up leadership responsibilities
especially in relation to the struggle against colonialism. Upon the attainment
of independence, Nigerian youths formed the crop of the emerging national
leadership; in the federal parliament, federal executive council, regional
assemblies and local councils. The bourgeoning Nigerian public service was also
populated by vibrant, dedicated and resourceful young men and women who became
the active drivers for national development. The impact of this generation of
young leaders was almost instantaneous as Nigeria, without crude oil, was
globally acclaimed as one of the fastest growing economies. That is the power
of youth.
Upon the truncation of the
first republic by the military, the top brass of the emerging authoritarian
leadership were also largely constituted of young people. General Yakubu Gowon,
the second military head of state was barely 28 years when he assumed the rein
of leadership. Given the exclusivist and sit tight nature of authoritarian
rule, the fortunes of young people in Nigeria began to assume monumental slide
with successive military regimes. The constitutional processes that preceded
the return to civilian rule in the second republic were without specific agenda
for young people. The implication was the relegation of young people to the
background in terms of political representation and protection of their
socio-economic rights. The third republic did not fare any better with regards
to youth inclusion in leadership spaces within the Nigerian polity, thus bequeathing
a legacy of youth disempowerment. The overall effect of the exclusion of the
largest and most active segment of Nigeria’s population from socio-economic and
governance process is that Nigerian youths have been reduced to endangered
species.
Currently, Nigerian youths are
without voice, power and representation in Nigeria’s socio-economic and
political landscape. The fate of young people in Nigeria is worsened by the
collapse of Nigeria’s social support structures. In the social sector, the
absence or dysfunction of social safety nets such as affordable, accessible and
quality healthcare, education, pre- work, work and post- work support systems
have predisposed a vast majority of Nigerian youths to widespread diseases,
ignorance, unemployment and deeply entrenched poverty. In the economic sphere,
the potential of young people for productivity is severely strangulated as
de-industrialization of Nigeria’s economy and neglect of the agricultural
sector continues to take root. The malaise of non-issues politics, money driven
politicking, godfatherism, and all manner of electoral brigandage has reduced
Nigerian youths to mere spectators in the democratic arena whose assumed retail
value is political violence. The
socio-economic and political burden already borne by Nigerian youths is further
exacerbated by the neglect of specific youth concerns in the 1999 constitution
as amended. The current process of constitutional review is therefore germane
as it offers young people a window to engage for a youth friendly Nigerian
Constitution. This opportunity, however, appears scuttled ab initio by the
exclusion from the review agenda of some concerns that shape youth emasculation
in Nigeria.
A key youth concern that has
been muted in the on-going conversations for constitutional review is
institutionalized organizing of Nigeria’s democratic processes and institutions.
Given the shortcomings of the last constitution amendment, entrenched challenges
within Nigeria’s electoral processes and current upheavals in INEC, it becomes
imperative to revisit key issues raised by Justice Uwais led Electoral Reform
Committee (ERC) Report. The increasing call for Local government autonomy is of
interest to Nigerian youths because most young people in Nigeria are domiciled
in local councils and their first taste of political leadership is usually at
local government level. The issue of justiceability of the socio economic
rights of Nigerians as contained in Chapter 2 of the 1999 Constitution is also
very dear to the heart of the youths as it speaks to enforcement of good
governance and accountability. In the quest for deepened democratic culture,
Nigerian youths are also concerned with the need for improved oversight
performance by State Houses of Assembly. This can be promoted by granting financial
autonomy to State legislatures. At the top of youth demands is the call for
youth affirmative action and definition of who a young person is. That way, a
60 year old man would find it difficult to be elected as the national youth
leader of a political party.
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